China's Domestic NGO Law and its Effect on Foreign-Funded NGOs| Chapter 1 | Current Progress in Arts and Social Studies Research Vol. 3

 

The Chinese authorities took a major step by developing a new law ‘to standardise and guide the activities of overseas non-governmental organisations’ in line with the objective of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ‘to comprehensively promote the rule of law and to build a socialist country under the rule of law’. The Law of the People’s Republic of China on Administration of Activities of Overseas Non-governmental Organisations in the Mainland of China (Overseas NGO Law), adopted at the 20th Meeting of the 12th Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on 28 April 2016, came into force on 1 January 2017. The Chinese authorities explained that this new law is a major step “to standardise and guide the activities of overseas non-governmental organisations” in line with the objective of the Chinese Communist Party “to comprehensively promote the rule of law and to build a socialist country under the rule of law”. However, foreign NGOs in China have reacted to the new law with grave concern and anxiety. This article provides an analysis of the main features of the Law and assesses its intention, impact and consequences. The new law has serious consequences for foreign NGOs in China. Six months after the new law took effect, only 82 foreign NGOs had completed the registration as required by the new law, accounting for about 1% of the 7000 foreign NGOs believed to be operating in mainland China. Overseas NGOs as well as domestic NGOs in China need new laws for protection rather than regulations for further restriction and punishment. It is unfortunate that the Overseas NGOs Law, which places the registration and supervision of overseas NGOs and their activities in China directly under the Ministry of Public Security instead of the Ministry of Civil Affairs, is a mechanism of state control rather than protection and facilitation for foreign NGOs.

 

Author(s) Details

Chongyi Feng
University of Technology Sydney, Australia.

 

Please see the book here:- https://doi.org/10.9734/bpi/cpassr/v3/8525E

 

Connected Resistance and Redefining Activism: The Discursive Value of Mobile Protesting in Jamaica | Chapter 1 | Science and Technology: Developments and Applications Vol. 10

Using experiences in M-Protesting in Jamaica, the current study highlights the discursive values of mobile phones for protesting. Drawing on a qualitative descriptive approach that fuses case study and discourse analysis, the original findings illustrated how protestors valued mobile smartphones as both “effective” and “efficient” tools for various aspects of protesting compared to traditional “brick-and-mortar” techniques. Respondents noted that smartphones enable deeper engagement with broader audiences through meaningful, real-time dialogue. Mobile phones were described as effective because of their immediacy and interactivity, surpassing the limitations of placards and roadblocks, allowing protestors to disseminate information rapidly, respond to inquiries, and mobilize support without geographical constraints. They were also described as “efficient” because they reach a wide cross-section of society instantaneously, leveraging multiple communication channels such as messaging apps, social media, and email. In light of current technological advancements, including the popular integration of AI features into mobile devices, these findings suggest that digital protests may become increasingly data-driven and personalized.

 

Author (s) Details

Lloyd George Waller
Sir Arthur Lewis Institute for Social and Economic Studies, Jamaica.

 

Please see the book here:- https://doi.org/10.9734/bpi/stda/v10/4947

 

Study about Civil Society and Authoritarian Rule: Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Law and Experiences of NGO Leaders | Chapter 9 | Research Developments in Arts and Social Studies Vol.1

 This paper presents an irony, that despite having authoritarian system that has worked to suppress civil society, the authoritarian government of Ethiopia was unable to do this during the period when these data were collected, in 2010. Western theories of civil society argue that the distinctive structures of civil society in different nations are related to historical traditions shaping strong states. In these societies civil society organizations play an important intermediary role between the state and citizens. In Ethiopia, however, the state is weak and despite the coercive efforts of the state, civil society has remained strong. Evidence for this is provided in this paper through interviews of people who led NGOs that were forced to lay off most of their employees after passage and implementation of the Charities and Societies Act in 2009. These respondents argued that despite the coercive power wielded by the state, grass roots democratic organizations were so wide spread, so functionally effective, and so important to the people that they would continue on even if central offices were forced to lay off most of their paid employees. Seven years after these interviews were carried out, claims about the strength of civil society in Ethiopia were borne out in the spring of 2018 as a new democratic government took power in Ethiopia and lifted repressive controls. Civil society is made up of a thatch or vertical and horizontal network relationships that also are tied into government.

Author(s) Details:

Carl Milofsky,
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Bucknell University, Lewisburg, PA, USA.

Albert Hunter,
Department of Sociology, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA.

Please see the link here: https://stm.bookpi.org/RDASS-V1/article/view/5727